From signals to music: a bottom-up approach to the structure of neuronal activity.

Introduction: The search for the "neural code" has been a fundamental quest in neuroscience, concerned with the way neurons and neuronal systems process and transmit information. However, the term "code" has been mostly used as a metaphor, seldom acknowledging the formal definitions introduced by information theory, and the contributions of linguistics and semiotics not at all. The heuristic potential of the latter was suggested by structuralism, which turned the methods and findings of linguistics to other fields of knowledge. For the study of complex communication systems, such as human language and music, the necessity of an approach that considers multilayered, nested, structured organization of symbols becomes evident. We work under the hypothesis that the neural code might be as complex as these human-made codes. To test this, we propose a bottom-up approach, constructing a symbolic logic in order to translate neuronal signals into music scores. Methods: We recorded single cells' activity from the rat's globus pallidus pars interna under conditions of full alertness, blindfoldedness and environmental silence. We analyzed the signals with statistical, spectral, and complex methods, including Fast Fourier Transform, Hurst exponent and recurrence plot analysis. Results: The results indicated complex behavior and recurrence graphs consistent with fractality, and a Hurst exponent >0.5, evidencing temporal persistence. On the whole, these features point toward a complex behavior of the time series analyzed, also present in classical music, which upholds the hypothesis of structural similarities between music and neuronal activity. Furthermore, through our experiment we performed a comparison between music and raw neuronal activity. Our results point to the same conclusion, showing the structures of music and neuronal activity to be homologous. The scores were not only spontaneously tonal, but they exhibited structure and features normally present in human-made musical creations. Discussion: The hypothesis of a structural homology between the neural code and the code of music holds, suggesting that some of the insights introduced by linguistic and semiotic theory might be a useful methodological resource to go beyond the limits set by metaphoric notions of "code."

L'anthropologie de la reconnaissance de Marcel Hénaff et la question du symbolisme : sur la pertinence de relire Mauss après Lévi-Strauss.

Marcel Hénaff's work (1942-2018) can be considered as a nuanced interpretation of modern western societies. The fact that it addresses a wide range of topics tends to mask the articulated thought it bears - in that matter, The Price of Truth: Gift, Money, and Philosophy (2010) is the best example. His thought took this particular form in part because of its genealogical stance, which is informed by social and cultural anthropology, phenomenology and, in some ways Christian theology. But if one wants to get a better grasp of its internal coherence, one must turn to religion as it has been approached by the French School of sociology and anthropology. For Hénaff developed his anthropology of recognition through a dialogue with Claude Lévi-Strauss's thought on symbolism, revisited with Marcel Mauss's own work on ceremonial gift exchange and symbolism.

Significante versus inconsciente, contra-dicções: Ou, antes do signo, a o-posição; no início, a imagem

Este trabalho discute a proposição lacaniana segundo a qual o inconsciente é estruturado como uma linguagem e sua fundamentação a partir da Antropologia de Lévi-Strauss. Em vista disso, discute o estatuto do significante (no quadro teórico do signo linguístico) como ser concreto e como representação vazia ou indeterminada, destituída de conteúdo ou significado e o da imagem fundante do mesmo, a qual se impõe como seu pressuposto essencial. Enfim, considera os limites e as contradições do significante para a tematização e a compreensão do inconsciente.

This paper discusses the Lacanian proposition according to which "the unconscious is structured as a language" and its foundation from the Levi-Strauss Anthropology. In view of this, it discusses the status of the signifier (in the theoretical framework of the linguistic sign) as a concrete being and as an empty or indeterminate representation, devoid of content or meaning and that of the founding image of the same, which is imposed as its essential presupposition. Finally, consider the limits and contradictions of the signifier for thematization and understanding of the unconscious.

The Individual and the Collective: Sociological Influences on Lacan's Concept of the Relation Subject-Other.

In this conceptual analysis we discuss the sociological influences on Lacan's conceptualization of the relation between the subject and the other. In his writings predating World War II Lacan defines this relation in terms of identification. However, from 1953 onward he defines it in terms of the subject of speech and the Symbolic Other. It is a popular notion to characterize this change in terms of a radical breach, influenced by the reading of Lévi-Strauss. However, through a close reading of both Lacan's early writings and their Durkheimian influences we will demonstrate that what has changed, is Lacan's conceptualization of the relation between the individual and the collective. This change was gradual rather than sudden. Moreover, it can be situated within the theoretical evolution of the contiguous fields of sociology, anthropology and psychoanalysis. Thus we reject the idea of a breach within his own thought and with what came before him. We will establish our point through a summary of how the relation between the individual and the collective was theorized before Lacan. Durkheim conceptualized this relation as dual: the individual and the collective are radically separated. Mauss attempted to unify the field of anthropology through the holistic concept of the total man. In Lévi-Straus's formalization the individual becomes a function within a structured, Symbolic system. Finally, a reading of Lacan's publications concerning the notion of the logic of the collective will testify to his attempts at formulating a notion of the subject that asserts itself against this collective while at the same time retaining its nature of a logical function. This is the conundrum that Lacan will confront time and again throughout his teachings. Lévi-Strauss merely provided him with the methodological tools of structural anthropology that helped him refine the interrogations that he had already begun.

Incesto: el Tabú de Edipo. Cuando la función del “por lo menos uno que no” es fallida / Incest: the Oedipus Taboo. When the function of “at least one that does not” is failed / Incesto: o tabu de Édipo. Quando a função de “pelo menos um que não” falha / L’inceste: le tabou d’Œdipe. Quand la fonction du “au moins un” échoue

Desde muy temprano Lacan supo resaltar los efectos devastadores del incesto, ubicando esta cuestión en términos del estrago (ravage). En general, esta parece ser la referencia más común que se utiliza en los casos de incesto para dar cuenta de la gravedad sintomática de los pacientes. Sin embargo, cuando Lacan desar-rolla el nudo borromeo en Seminario 22 (Complejo de Edipo — realidad psíqui-ca freudiana), le confiere a la interdiccióndel incesto un carácter estructurante y simbólico, por ser, al decir de Lévi-Strauss, la norma/intervención (universal y particular a la vez) que permite el pasaje de la naturaleza a la cultura. Estas referencias nos imponen entonces rever la question del incesto en términos ló-gicos de las fórmulas de sexuación y no ya tanto desde el sentido descriptivo del asunto, visibilizando la falla estructural de la función del “por lo menos uno que no” (desarrollada durante los Seminarios 18, 19 y 20) y sus implicancias a nivel del Complejo de Edipo (como cuarto que anuda los tres registros) y de las políticas de goce. Sin dudas, la mujer como objeto de goce, desarrollada en el Seminario 14, más los recientes aportes de Silvia Federici sobre las mujeres, el cuerpo y la acu-mulación originaria, será un pasaje necesario para entender el lugar de la mujer y del capital en toda esta question tan extraña como ominosa.(AU)

From an early age, Lacan was able to highlight the devastating effects of the in-cest, placing this question in terms of ravage. In general, this seems to be the most common reference used in cases of incest to account for the symptomatic severity of patients. However, when Lacan develops the Borromean knot in Seminar 22(Complex of Oedipus — Freudian psychic reality), it confers on the interdiction of the incest a structuring and symbolic character, being, according to Lévi-Strauss, the norm/intervention (universal and particular at the same time) that allows the passage from nature to culture. These references then require us to review the question of the incest in logical terms of the sexuation formulas and not so much from the descriptive sense of the subject, making visible the structural failure of the “at least one that does not” function (developed during the Seminars 18, 19 and 20) and its implications at the level of the Oedipus Complex (as the fourth one that knots the three registers) and the policies of enjoyment. Undoubtedly, women as an object of enjoyment, developed in Seminar 14, plus the recent contri-butions from Silvia Federici on women, body and original accumulation, will be necessaries passages to understand the place of women and capital in this whole question, which is as strange as it is ominous.(AU)

Desde cedo, Lacan pôde destacar os efeitos devastadores do incesto, colocando essa questão em termos de devastação. Em geral, essa parece ser a referência mais comum utilizada nos casos de incesto para explicar a gravidade sintomática dos pacientes. No entanto, quando Lacan desenvolve o nó borromeano no Seminário 22 (complexo de Édipo — realidade psíquica freudiana), confere à interdição do incesto um caráter estruturante e simbólico, sendo, segundo Lévi-Strauss, a nor-ma/intervenção (universal e particular ao mesmo tempo) que permite a passagem da natureza à cultura. Essas referências exigem, então, que revisemos a questão do incesto em termos lógicos das fórmulas de sexuação, e não tanto do sentido descritivo do tema, tornando visível o fracasso estrutural da função “pelo menos um que não” (desenvolvido durante os Seminários 18, 19 e 20) e suas implicações no nível do complexo de Édipo (como o quarto que amarra os três registros) e das políticas de gozo. Sem dúvida, a mulher como objeto de gozo, desenvolvida no Seminário 14, mais as contribuições recentes de Silvia Federici sobre as mulheres, o corpo e a acumulação original, serão passagens necessárias para entender o lu-gar da mulher e do capital em toda essa questão tão estranha quanto ameaçadora.(AU)

Lacan a su très tôt mettre en évidence les effets dévastateurs de l’inceste, en pla-çant cette question en termes de ravage. En général, celle-ci semble être la réfé-rence la plus couramment utilisée dans les cas d’inceste pour expliquer la gravité symptomatique des patients. Toutefois, lorsque Lacan développe le nœud borro-méen dans le Séminaire 22 (Complexe d’Œdipe — la réalité psychique freudien-ne), il attribue à l’interdictionde l’inceste un caractère structurant et symboli-que, puisque, selon les termes de Lévi-Strauss, c’est la norme/intervention (à la fois universelle et particulière) ce qui permet le passage de la nature à la culture. Ces références nous obligent alors à revoir la question de l’inceste dans les ter-mes logiques des formules sexuation, et non pas dans son sens descriptif, ce qui rend visible la défaillance structurelle de la fonction d’“au moins un” (mise au point au cours de Séminaires 18, 19 et 20), ses implications au niveau du Com-plexe d’Œdipe (comme le quatrième noeud qui noue les trois registres) et des politiques de jouissance. Sans aucun doute, la femme comme objet de jouissan-ce — tel qu’elle est décrite dans le Séminaire14 —, ainsi que les les contribu-tions récentes de Silvia Federici à propos des femmes, du corps et de l’accumu-lation originaire seront des thèmes importants à analyser pour comprendre la place des femmes et du capital dans cette question aussi étrange que menaçante.(AU)

Sobre meu encontro com Lévi-Strauss / About my meeting with Levi-Strauss / Acerca de mi encuentro con Levi-Strauss

No presente artigo a autora faz um relato sobre entrevistas presenciais efetuadasdurante dez anos com Claude Lévi-Strauss, em Paris. O interesse da autora pelaspesquisas com populações indígenas de Mato Grosso e Mato Grosso do Sul, o início desuas atividades na Universidade Católica Dom Bosco, em Campo Grande, (MS) são oponto de partida para suas pesquisas que favoreceram a sua aproximação com oantropólogo. Outros fatos relevantes foram à leitura da obra de Claude Lévi-Strauss,Tristes Trópicos, com importantes informações sobre a região e seus índios, os estudosno Programa de Mestrado em Psicologia Social da Pontifícia Universidade Católica deSão Paulo-PUC/SP e doutorado em Paris 8- Sorbonne. As pesquisas com grupos Bororode MT e Kadiwéu de MS foram fatos que revelaram a maior afinidade e promoveram umagrande amizade entre a autora e o antropólogo. Os dois grupos étnicos marcaram iníciodos estudos de Claude Lévi-Strauss e sua Teoria – Antropologia Estrutural na década de30. Além da correspondência trocada entre ambos, vários encontros estão descritos no texto(AU)

The present article reports my friendship with Claude Lévi-Strauss, whichlasted for about the ten last years of his life. The author’s interest in researching theindigenous populations of Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul, the beginning of heractivities at Dom Bosco Catholic University, Campo Grande – MS, were the startingpoints for their research, such facts have favored their scientifical approach. Otherrelevant facts were the study of the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, especially TristesTropiques, with important information about such Brazilian region and its Indians, studiesin Masters Program in Social Psychology at the Catholic University of São PauloPUCSPand Doctorate in Paris 8 - Sorbonne. The Bororo (MT) and Kadiwéu (MS)research groups revealed an affinity and promoted a strong friendship between theauthor and the anthropologist. The two ethnic groups have then marked the beginningof Claude Lévi-Strauss’s studies and his Theory - Structural Anthropology in the 30s.Besides the correspondence between them, several meetings are described in thetext(AU)

En este artículo, la autora nos relata algunas entrevistas personales conClaude Lévi-Strauss en el período de diez años en Paris. El interés de la autora por las investigaciones con poblaciones indígenas de Mato Grosso y Mato Grosso do Sulasí como el inicio de sus actividades en la Universidad Católica Don Bosco, CampoGrande, MS destacan como el punto de partida para sus investigaciones. Otros hechosrelevantes se asocian a los estudios de la obra de Claude Lévi-Strauss, especialmenteTristes Trópicos, con informaciones importantes sobre la región y sus indios, losestudios en la Maestría de Psicología Social de la Universidad Católica de São PauloPUCSPy el doctorado en Paris 8 - Sorbonne. Las investigaciones con los gruposBororo de MT y los Kadiwéu de MS revelan su afinidad y promoviendo una gran amistadentre la autora y el antropólogo. Los dos grupos étnicos marcan el inicio de los estudiosde Claude Lévi-Strauss y su Teoría - Antropología Estructural en los años 30. Así comola correspondencia entre ellos, varios encuentros se describen en el texto(AU)

Sur ma rencontre avec Lévi-Strauss / About my meeting with Levi-Strauss / Acerca de mi encuentro con Levi-Strauss

Dans cet article je relate une relation de dix années d’amitié avec ClaudeLévi-Strauss. L’intérêt de l’auteure pour les recherches sur les populations indiennesdu Mato Grosso et du Mato Grosso du Sud, le début de ses activités au sein del’Université Catholique Dom Bosco à Campo Grande, MS ont été le point de départ deses recherches qui ont alors favorisé l’ approche entre l’auteure et l’anthropologue.Autres facteurs importants ont été la lecture de l’œuvre de Claude Lévi-Strauss, enparticulier Tristes Tropiques, contenant d’importantes informations sur la région ainsique sur ses indiens, les études du programme de Maîtrise en Psychologie Sociale dela pontificale Université Catholique de Sao Paulo-PUCSP et le doctorat à Paris 8-Sorbonne. Les recherches avec les groupes Bororo du MT et les Kadiwéu du MS ontrévélés la plus grande affinité et ont promu une grande amitié entre l’auteure etl’anthropologue. Les deux groupes ethniques ont marqué le début des études de ClaudeLévi-Strauss et de sa théorie-Anthropologie Structurale dans les années 30. Au-delà deleurs courriers échangés, diverses rencontres sont décrites dans le texte(AU)

The present article reports my friendship with Claude Lévi-Strauss, whichlasted for about the ten last years of his life. The author’s interest in researching theindigenous populations of Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul, the beginning of heractivities at Dom Bosco Catholic University, Campo Grande – MS, were the startingpoints for their research, such facts have favored their scientifical approach. Otherrelevant facts were the study of the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, especially TristesTropiques, with important information about such Brazilian region and its Indians, studiesin Masters Program in Social Psychology at the Catholic University of São PauloPUCSPand doctorate in Paris 8 - Sorbonne. The Bororo (MT) and Kadiwéu (MS)research groups revealed an affinity and promoted a strong friendship between theauthor and the anthropologist. The two ethnic groups have then marked the beginningof Claude Lévi-Strauss’s studies and his Theory - Structural Anthropology in the 30s.Besides the correspondence between them, several meetings are described in thetext(AU)

En este artículo, la autora nos relata algunas entrevistas personales conClaude Lévi-Strauss en el período de diez años en Paris. El interés del autora por lasinvestigaciones con poblaciones indígenas de Mato Grosso y Mato Grosso do Sul asícomo el inicio de sus actividades en la Universidad Católica Don Bosco, Campo Grande,MS destacan como el punto de partida para sus investigaciones. Otros hechosrelevantes se asocian a los estudios de la obra de Claude Lévi-Strauss, especialmenteTristes Trópicos, con informaciones importantes sobre la región y sus indios, losestudios en la Maestría de Psicología Social de la Universidad Católica de São PauloPUCSPy el doctorado en Paris 8 - Sorbonne. Las investigaciones con los gruposBororo de MT y los Kadiwéu de MS revelan su afinidad y promoviendo una gran amistadentre la autora y el antropólogo. Los dos grupos étnicos marcan el inicio de los estudiosde Claude Lévi-Strauss y su Teoría - Antropología Estructural en los años 30. Así comola correspondencia entre ellos, varios encuentros se describen en el texto(AU)

Los medios de comunicación y la construcción del territorio en América Latina / Means of communication and the construction of territory in Latin America

En este trabajo se analizan el impacto y las dificultades de la instalación de los medios de comunicación, en particular la telegrafía, a la que se le atribuyó la creación de un espacio comunicado a escala continental. Primero, se hará referencia a Domingo F. Sarmiento, como uno de los protagonistas de los proyectos de telegrafía y ferrocarril propios del Siglo XIX. En segundo lugar, aparecerá la expedición del ingeniero militar Candido Mariano da Silva Rondon quien, algunas décadas más tarde, con la colocación de una línea telegráfica en el sertão brasileño, marca, sin embargo, el fin del siglo de la telegrafía con hilos. Y finalmente, se volverá a la línea Rondon unos veinte años más tarde, cuando en 1938 Claude Lévi-Strauss viaja "sobre la línea" encontrando aquellos sistemas de comunicación precolombinos que pudieron haber existido entre ambas Américas.

The creation of a continental-scale communication space has been attributed to the telegraph in Latin America. The article analyzes the problems encountered in installing means of communication and their subsequent impact, focusing on the telegraph. The study begins by looking at Domingo F. Sarmiento, one of the protagonists of nineteenth-century telegraph and railroad projects. It next examines the expedition by military engineer Cândido Mariano da Silva Rondon, who put telegraph lines in place in the Brazilian sertão some decades later, at the end of the cycle of wired telegraphs. Lastly, it explores Claude Lévi-Strauss's 1938 trip along Rondon's line, where the French anthropologist found pre-Colombian communication systems that may have existed between the Americas.

Consistência do Édipo na psicanálise lacaniana: símbolos zero para o desejo / Oedipus consistency in lacanian psychoanalysis: zero symbols for desire

Durante os anos 1950, predomina na obra lacaniana uma releitura da psicanálise feita a partir do estruturalismo que inverte a abordagem da noção de inconsciente, conferindo efetividade a algo que, antes, era desqualificado como noção "inerte e impensável". Nela, ganha relevo uma reinterpretação do Édipo cujos termos são claramente inspirados em Lévi-Strauss. O objetivo do artigo é, nesse sentido, esclarecer a função dos significantes Nome-do-Pai e falo como "símbolos zero" da estrutura que conforma o desejo. Veremos que o fato de essa função ser requerida pelo psicanalista é tributário da forma pela qual o antropólogo descreveu tal tipo de símbolos.

During the 50's, it prevails in Lacan's work a structuralist interpretation of psychoanalysis which inverts the approaching of the unconscious, assigning effectiveness to something that was formerly disqualified as "inert and unthinkable". In this context, it gains relief a re-reading of the Oedipus complex whose terms are clearly inspired in Lévi-Strauss. The purpose of this paper is to shed some light upon the function fulfilled by the signifiers "Name-of-the-Father" and "phallus" as "zero symbols" of the structure of desire. The way such kind of symbols were described by the anthropologist reveals why this function was requested by the psychoanalyst.